1.Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
 
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
 
Date of Birth : Oct 2, 1869 Date of Death : Jan 30, 1948 Place of Birth : Gujarat
Mahatma Gandhi (Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi) was born into a Hindu 
Modh family in Porbandar, Gujarat, India in 1869. He was the son of 
Karamchand Gandhi, the diwan (Chief Minister) of Porbandar, and 
Putlibai, Karamchand’s fourth wife (his previous three wives had died in
 childbirth), a Hindu of the Pranami Vaishnava order. Growing up with a 
devout mother and surrounded by the Jain influences of Gujarat, Gandhi 
learned from an early age the tenets of non-injury to living beings, 
vegetarianism, fasting for self-purification, and mutual tolerance 
between members of various creeds and sects. He was born into the 
vaishya, or business, caste.
In May 1883, at the age of 13, Gandhi was married through his 
parents’ arrangement to Kasturba Makhanji (also spelled “Kasturbai” or 
known as “Ba”), who was the same age as he. They had four sons: Harilal 
Gandhi, born in 1888; Manilal Gandhi, born in 1892; Ramdas Gandhi, born 
in 1897; and Devdas Gandhi, born in 1900. Gandhi was a mediocre student 
in his youth at Porbandar and later Rajkot. He barely passed the 
matriculation exam for the University of Bombay in 1887, where he joined
 Samaldas College. He was also unhappy at the college, because his 
family wanted him to become a barrister. He leapt at the opportunity to 
study in England, which he viewed as “a land of philosophers and poets, 
the very centre of civilization.” Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was a major
 political and spiritual leader of India, and the Indian independence 
movement. He was the pioneer and perfector of Satyagraha – the 
resistance of tyranny through mass civil disobedience strongly founded 
upon ahimsa (total non-violence) – which led India to independence, and 
has inspired movements for civil rights and freedom across the world.
Gandhi is commonly known and addressed in India and across the world 
as Mahatma Gandhi and as Bapu. Though his elders objected, Gandhi could 
not be prevented from leaving; and it is said that his mother, a devout 
woman, made him promise that he would keep away from wine, women, and 
meat during his stay abroad. Gandhi left behind his son Harilal, then a 
few months old. In London, Gandhi encountered theosophists, vegetarians,
 and others who were disenchanted not only with industrialism, but with 
the legacy of Enlightenment thought. They themselves represented the 
fringe elements of English society. Gandhi was powerfully attracted to 
them, as he was to the texts of the major religious traditions; and 
ironically it is in London that he was introduced to the Bhagavad Gita. 
Here, too, Gandhi showed determination and single-minded pursuit of his 
purpose, and accomplished his objective of finishing his degree from the
 Inner Temple.
He was called to the bar in 1891, and even enrolled in the High Court
 of London; but later that year he left for India. After one year of a 
none too successful law practice, Gandhi decided to accept an offer from
 an Indian businessman in South Africa, Dada Abdulla, to join him as a 
legal adviser. Unbeknown to him, this was to become an exceedingly 
lengthy stay, and altogether Gandhi was to stay in South Africa for over
 twenty years. The Indians who had been living in South Africa were 
without political rights, and were generally known by the derogatory 
name of ‘coolies’. Gandhi himself came to an awareness of the 
frightening force and fury of European racism, and how far Indians were 
from being considered full human beings, when he thrown out of a 
first-class railway compartment car, though he held a first-class 
ticket, at Pietermaritzburg. From this political awakening Gandhi was to
 emerge as the leader of the Indian community, and it is in South Africa
 that he first coined the term satyagraha to signify his theory and 
practice of non-violent resistance. Gandhi was to describe himself 
preeminently as a votary or seeker of satya (truth), which could not be 
attained other than through ahimsa (non-violence, love) and brahmacharya
 (celibacy, striving towards God). Gandhi conceived of his own life as a
 series of experiments to forge the use of satyagraha in such a manner 
as to make the oppressor and the oppressed alike recognize their common 
bonding and humanity: as he recognized, freedom is only freedom when it 
is indivisible. In his book ‘Satyagraha in South Africa’ he was to 
detail the struggles of the Indians to claim their rights, and their 
resistance to oppressive legislation and executive measures, such as the
 imposition of a poll tax on them, or the declaration by the government 
that all non-Christian marriages were to be construed as invalid. In 
1909, on a trip back to India, Gandhi authored a short treatise entitled
 ‘Hind Swaraj’ or Indian Home Rule, where he all but initiated the 
critique, not only of industrial civilization, but of modernity in all 
its aspects.
Gandhi returned to India in early 1915, and was never to leave the 
country again except for a short trip that took him to Europe in 1931. 
Though he was not completely unknown in India, Gandhi followed the 
advice of his political mentor, Gokhale, and took it upon himself to 
acquire a familiarity with Indian conditions. He traveled widely for one
 year. Over the next few years, he was to become involved in numerous 
local struggles, such as at Champaran in Bihar, where workers on indigo 
plantations complained of oppressive working conditions, and at 
Ahmedabad, where a dispute had broken out between management and workers
 at textile mills. His interventions earned Gandhi a considerable 
reputation, and his rapid ascendancy to the helm of nationalist politics
 is signified by his leadership of the opposition to repressive 
legislation (known as the “Rowlatt Acts”) in 1919.
His saintliness was not uncommon, except in someone like him who 
immersed himself in politics, and by this time he had earned from no 
less a person than Rabindranath Tagore, India’s most well-known writer, 
the title of Mahatma, or ‘Great Soul’. When ‘disturbances’ broke out in 
the Punjab, leading to the massacre of a large crowd of unarmed Indians 
at the Jallianwala Bagh in Amritsar and other atrocities, Gandhi wrote 
the report of the Punjab Congress Inquiry Committee. Over the next two 
years, Gandhi initiated the non-cooperation movement, which called upon 
Indians to withdraw from British institutions, to return honors 
conferred by the British, and to learn the art of self-reliance; though 
the British administration was at places paralyzed, the movement was 
suspended in February 1922 when a score of Indian policemen were 
brutally killed by a large crowd at Chauri Chaura, a small market town 
in the United Provinces.
Gandhi himself was arrested shortly thereafter, tried on charges of 
sedition, and sentenced to imprisonment for six years. At The Great 
Trial, as it is known to his biographers, Gandhi delivered a masterful 
indictment of British rule. Owing to his poor health, Gandhi was 
released from prison in 1925. Over the following years, he worked hard 
to preserve Hindu-Muslim relations, and in 1924 he observed, from his 
prison cell, a 21-day fast when Hindu-Muslim riots broke out at Kohat, a
 military barracks on the Northwest Frontier. This was to be of his many
 major public fasts, and in 1932 he was to commence the so-called Epic 
Fast unto death, since he thought of “separate electorates” for the 
oppressed class of what were then called untouchables (or Harijans in 
Gandhi’s vocabulary, and dalits in today’s language) as a retrograde 
measure meant to produce permanent divisions within Hindu society. 
Gandhi earned the hostility of Ambedkar, the leader of the untouchables,
 but few doubted that Gandhi was genuinely interested in removing the 
serious disabilities from which they suffered, just as no one doubt that
 Gandhi never accepted the argument that Hindus and Muslims constituted 
two separate elements in Indian society.
These were some of the concerns most prominent in Gandhi’s mind, but 
he was also to initiate a constructive programme for social reform. 
Gandhi had ideas — mostly sound — on every subject, from hygiene and 
nutrition to education and labor, and he relentlessly pursued his ideas 
in one of the many newspapers which he founded. Indeed, were Gandhi 
known for nothing else in India, he would still be remembered as one of 
the principal figures in the history of Indian journalism. In early 
1930, as the nationalist movement was revived, the Indian National 
Congress, the preeminent body of nationalist opinion, declared that it 
would now be satisfied with nothing short of complete independence 
(purna swaraj). Once the clarion call had been issued, it was perforce 
necessary to launch a movement of resistance against British rule. On 
March 2, Gandhi addressed a letter to the Viceroy, Lord Irwin, informing
 him that unless Indian demands were met, he would be compelled to break
 the “salt laws”.
Predictably, his letter was received with bewildered amusement, and 
accordingly Gandhi set off, on the early morning of March 12, with a 
small group of followers towards Dandi on the sea. They arrived there on
 April 5th: Gandhi picked up a small lump of natural salt, and so gave 
the signal to hundreds of thousands of people to similarly defy the law,
 since the British exercised a monopoly on the production and sale of 
salt. This was the beginning of the civil disobedience movement: Gandhi 
himself was arrested, and thousands of others were also hauled into 
jail. It is to break this deadlock that Irwin agreed to hold talks with 
Gandhi, and subsequently the British agreed to hold a Round Table 
Conference in London to negotiate the possible terms of Indian 
independence. Gandhi went to London in 1931 and met some of his admirers
 in Europe, but the negotiations proved inconclusive. On his return to 
India, he was once again arrested. For the next few years, Gandhi would 
be engaged mainly in the constructive reform of Indian society.
He had vowed upon undertaking the salt march that he would not return
 to Sabarmati Ashram in Ahmedabad, where he had made his home, if India 
did not attain its independence, and in the mid-1930s he established 
himself in a remote village, in the dead center of India, by the name of
 Segaon (known as Sevagram). It is to this obscure village, which was 
without electricity or running water, that India’s political leaders 
made their way to engage in discussions with Gandhi about the future of 
the independence movement, and it is here that he received visitors such
 as Margaret Sanger, the well-known American proponent of birth-control.
 Gandhi also continued to travel throughout the country, taking him 
wherever his services were required. One such visit was to the Northwest
 Frontier, where he had in the imposing Pathan, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan 
(known by the endearing term of “Frontier Gandhi”, and at other times as
 Badshah Khan), a fervent disciple. At the outset of World War II, 
Gandhi and the Congress leadership assumed a position of neutrality: 
while clearly critical of fascism, they could not find it in themselves 
to support British imperialism. Gandhi was opposed by Subhas Chandra 
Bose, who had served as President of the Congress, and who took to the 
view that Britain’s moment of weakness was India’s moment of 
opportunity. When Bose ran for President of the Congress against 
Gandhi’s wishes and triumphed against Gandhi’s own candidate, he found 
that Gandhi still exercised influence over the Congress Working 
Committee, and that it was near impossible to run the Congress if the 
cooperation of Gandhi and his followers could not be procured. Bose 
tendered his resignation, and shortly thereafter was to make a dramatic 
escape from India to find support among the Japanese and the Nazis for 
his plans to liberate India. In 1942, Gandhi issued the last call for 
independence from British rule. On the grounds of what is now known as 
August Kranti Maidan, he delivered a stirring speech, asking every 
Indian to lay down their life, if necessary, in the cause of freedom.
He gave them this mantra: “Do or Die”; at the same time, he asked the
 British to ‘Quit India’. The response of the British government was to 
place Gandhi under arrest, and virtually the entire Congress leadership 
was to find itself behind bars, not to be released until after the 
conclusion of the war. A few months after Gandhi and Kasturba had been 
placed in confinement in the Aga Khan’s Palace in Pune, Kasturba passed 
away: this was a terrible blow to Gandhi, following closely on the heels
 of the death of his private secretary of many years, the gifted Mahadev
 Desai. In the period from 1942 to 1945, the Muslim League, which 
represented the interest of certain Muslims and by now advocated the 
creation of a separate homeland for Muslims, increasingly gained the 
attention of the British, and supported them in their war effort. The 
new government that came to power in Britain under Clement Atlee was 
committed to the independence of India, and negotiations for India’s 
future began in earnest. Sensing that the political leaders were now 
craving for power, Gandhi largely distanced himself from the 
negotiations. He declared his opposition to the vivisection of India.
It is generally conceded, even by his detractors, that the last years
 of his life were in some respects his finest. He walked from village to
 village in riot-torn Noakhali, where Hindus were being killed in 
retaliation for the killing of Muslims in Bihar, and nursed the wounded 
and consoled the widowed; and in Calcutta he came to constitute, in the 
famous words of the last viceroy, Mountbatten, a “one-man boundary 
force” between Hindus and Muslims. The ferocious fighting in Calcutta 
came to a halt, almost entirely on account of Gandhi’s efforts, and even
 his critics were wont to speak of the Gandhi’s ‘miracle of Calcutta’. 
When the moment of freedom came, on 15 August 1947, Gandhi was nowhere 
to be seen in the capital, though Nehru and the entire Constituent 
Assembly were to salute him as the architect of Indian independence, as 
the ‘father of the nation’. The last few months of Gandhi’s life were to
 be spent mainly in the capital city of Delhi. There he divided his time
 between the ‘Bhangi colony’, where the sweepers and the lowest of the 
low stayed, and Birla House, the residence of one of the wealthiest men 
in India and one of the benefactors of Gandhi’s ashrams. Hindu and Sikh 
refugees had streamed into the capital from what had become Pakistan, 
and there was much resentment, which easily translated into violence, 
against Muslims. It was partly in an attempt to put an end to the 
killings in Delhi, and more generally to the bloodshed following the 
partition, which may have taken the lives of as many as 1 million 
people, besides causing the dislocation of no fewer than 11 million, 
that Gandhi was to commence the last fast unto death of his life. The 
fast was terminated when representatives of all the communities signed a
 statement that they were prepared to live in “perfect amity”, and that 
the lives, property, and faith of the Muslims would be safeguarded.
A few days later, a bomb exploded in Birla House where Gandhi was 
holding his evening prayers, but it caused no injuries. However, his 
assassin, a Marathi Chitpavan Brahmin by the name of Nathuram Godse, was
 not so easily deterred. Gandhi, quite characteristically, refused 
additional security, and no one could defy his wish to be allowed to 
move around unhindered. In the early evening hours of 30 January 1948, 
Gandhi met with India’s Deputy Prime Minister and his close associate in
 the freedom struggle, Vallabhai Patel, and then proceeded to his 
prayers. That evening, as Gandhi’s time-piece, which hung from one of 
the folds of his dhoti (loin-cloth), was to reveal to him, he was 
uncharacteristically late to his prayers, and he fretted about his 
inability to be punctual. At 10 minutes past 5 o’clock, with one hand 
each on the shoulders of Abha and Manu, who were known as his ‘walking 
sticks’, Gandhi commenced his walk towards the garden where the prayer 
meeting was held. As he was about to mount the steps of the podium, 
Gandhi folded his hands and greeted his audience with a namaskar; at 
that moment, a young man came up to him and roughly pushed aside Manu. 
Nathuram Godse bent down in the gesture of an obeisance, took a revolver
 out of his pocket, and shot Gandhi three times in his chest. 
Bloodstains appeared over Gandhi’s white woolen shawl; his hands still 
folded in a greeting, Gandhi blessed his assassin: He Ram! He Ram! As 
Gandhi fell, his faithful time-piece struck the ground, and the hands of
 the watch came to a standstill. They showed, as they had done before, 
the precise time: 5:12 P.M.
2. Jawaharlal Nehru
 
Jawaharlal Nehru
 
Date of Birth : Nov 14, 1889 Date of Death : May 27, 1964 Place of 
Birth : Uttar Pradesh Political party : Indian National Congress Took 
Office : Aug 15, 1947 Left Office : May 27, 1964 Successor : Lal Bahadur
 Shastri
Jawaharlal Nehru also called Pandit Nehru, was an important leader of
 the Indian Independence Movement and the Indian National Congress, and 
became the first Prime Minister of India when India won its independence
 on August 15, 1947. Jawaharlal Nehru was born on November 14, 1889, to 
Swaroop Rani, the wife of Motilal Nehru, a wealthy Allahabad based 
barrister and political leader himself. He was Nehru’s only son amongst 
three younger daughters. The Nehru family is of Kashmiri lineage and of 
the Saraswat Brahmin caste. Educated in the finest Indian schools of the
 time, Nehru returned from education in England at Harrow, Trinity 
College, Cambridge and the Inner Temple to practice law before following
 his father into politics. By his parents’ arrangement, Nehru married 
Kamala Nehru, then seventeen in 1916. At the time of his wedding on 8 
February 1916, Jawaharlal was twenty-six, a British-educated barrister. 
Kamala came from a well-known business family of Kashmiris in Delhi. His
 father Motilal Nehru was already a prominent figure in the Indian 
National Congress and had served as its president. Nehru did not share 
Motilal’s moderate-liberal line.
He began to draw closer to the rising leadership of Mohandas 
Karamchand Gandhi, a former barrister who had won battles for equality 
and political rights for Indians in South Africa, and had emerged a 
national hero with the successful struggles in Champaran, Bihar and 
Kheda in Gujarat. Nehru was instantly attracted to Gandhi’s commitment 
for active but peaceful, civil disobedience. Gandhi himself saw promise 
and India’s future in the young Jawaharl Nehru. The Nehru family 
transformed their lifestyle according to Gandhi’s teachings. Jawaharlal 
and Motilal Nehru abandoned western clothes and tastes for expensive 
possessions and pastimes, and adopted Hindi, or Hindustani as their 
common language of use. Young Jawaharlal now wore a khadi kurta and a 
Gandhi cap, all white – the new uniform of the Indian nationalist. Nehru
 was first arrested by the British during the Non-Cooperation Movement 
(1920-1922), but released after a few months. After Gandhi suspended 
civil resistance in 1922 as a result of the killing of policemen in 
Chauri Chaura, thousands of Congressmen were disillusioned.
When Gandhi opposed participation in the newly created legislative 
councils, many followed leaders like Chittaranjan Das and Motilal Nehru 
to form the Swaraj Party, which advocated entry but only to sabotage 
government from within, as a tool to extracting concessions from the 
British to ensure stability. But Nehru did not join his father and 
stayed with Gandhi and the Congress. Jawaharlal was elected President of
 the Allahabad Municipal Corporation in 1924, and served for two years 
as the city’s chief executive. Upon his release from prison in 1924, 
Gandhi succeeded in re-uniting the Congress Party and increasing 
discipline of Congressmen by expanding activities for social reform and 
the alleviation of India’s poor. From 1926 to 1928, Jawaharlal served as
 the General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee, an important
 step in his rise to Congress national leadership. With the Bardoli 
Satyagraha of 1928, led by the rising nationalist leader Sardar 
Vallabhbhai Patel, the Congress was back in the business of revolution. 
In 1928-29, the Congress’s annual session under President Motilal Nehru 
considered the next step. Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose backed a call 
for full political independence, while Motilal Nehru and others wanted 
dominion status within the British Empire.
To resolve the point, Gandhi said that the British would be given two
 years to grant India dominion status. If they did not, the Congress 
would launch a national struggle for full, political independence. Nehru
 and Bose reduced the time of opportunity to one year. The British did 
not respond. When the Congress convened its session in 1929, Gandhi 
backed the young Jawaharlal for the Congress presidency. Although 
confessing embarrassment at his hurried ascent, President Nehru declared
 India’s independence on January 26, 1930 in Lahore, raised free India’s
 flag in a large public convention on the banks of the Ravi and 
inaugurated the struggle. Nehru was arrested in 1930, and during the 
Salt Satyagraha of 1931 for a number of years. The revolt was an 
astounding national success. Millions of Indians had participated, and 
the British were ultimately forced to acknowledge that there was a need 
for major political reform. When the British promulgated the Government 
of India Act 1935, the Congress Party decided to contest elections. 
Nehru stayed out of the elections, but campaigned vigorously nationwide 
for the party.
The Congress formed governments in almost every province, and won the
 largest number of seats in the Central Assembly, which the Congress had
 denounced as powerless. But it was able to exercise control of 
provincial affairs, giving India its first taste of democratic 
self-government. Nehru was elected again to the Congress Presidency in 
1936, and again in 1937. In his famous speech to the session in Lucknow 
in 1936, he pushed the passage of the Avadi Resolution which committed 
the Congress to socialism as the basis of the future agenda of a free 
India’s government. But the effort was strongly criticized by major 
Congress leaders, including Gandhi and Sardar Patel, though for 
different reasons. Nehru transformed his position to commit that the 
resolution did not in fact bind Congress to socialism, and that the 
Congress Party’s main goal was independence, not socialism. However, 
Nehru had grown politically closer to Congress socialists like Jaya 
Prakash Narayan, Narendra Dev and the liberal-socialist Maulana Abul 
Kalam Azad. During this period, Nehru also wrote his autobiography in 
which he vividly describes his struggle for (political) freedom, noting 
that ‘This book was written entirely in prison’.
It is a very readable and honest account that contains many anecdotes
 and insights in the political and social circumstances of pre-war 
India. When World War II broke out, Nehru and the Congress condemned the
 unilateral decision made by the British viceroy to enter India, but 
were divided as to what to do about it. Nehru and Patel made an offer of
 cooperation with the British, promising whole-hearted support if after 
the war, the British would deliver India’s political freedom. This was 
opposed by Gandhi, but marked the first occasion when Nehru, and indeed a
 majority of Congress leaders went against his advice. Several British 
politicians and British officials backed the offer, considering Indian 
support valuable, but the bid failed when the British ruled out any 
political reform. The Congress Party ordered all of its elected members 
in the Central and provincial assemblies to resign, and another national
 struggle seemed inevitable. Nehru and Maulana Azad were lukewarm to 
Gandhi’s call for revolt, still considering it a good possibility that 
the British would ultimately concede independence for Indian support. 
Although many other Indian political parties opposed the call, Gandhi 
and Sardar Patel convinced Nehru and Azad, and the entire Indian 
National Congress to a final showdown with the British Empire.
The Quit India Movement was launched on August 13, 1942. The Congress
 made an open call for complete independence immediately. Only an 
independent India would decide whether India would participate in the 
war. The Congress asked all Indians to boycott British goods, the 
institutions and factories run by the British, public services and 
government programs. Major strikes, protests and demonstrations broke 
out all over India, and although other political parties did not 
participate, it proved to be the most forceful revolt in the history of 
British rule. Gandhi and the entire Congress Working Committee were 
immediately arrested. The Committee was imprisoned in a 
fort-turned-prison in Ahmednagar, Maharashtra, separate from Gandhi, who
 was imprisoned in Pune. The British had made arrangements to deport the
 leaders if necessary, but felt that then any chance of regaining order 
would be lost due to public outrage. Outside, hundreds of thousands of 
Indian freedom fighters were imprisoned, and thousands were killed in 
police firings. Upon the end of the war, Nehru and the Congress 
leadership were released. The new Labour Party government of Clement 
Attlee in the United Kingdom was preparing plans for India’s 
independence. Imprisoned for a total of over 13 years, he was President 
of the Congress in 1929, 1936, 1937 and 1947.
He became the Vice President of the Interim Government on September 
2, 1946 and later the Prime Minister of Independent India on August 15, 
1947. Jawaharlal Nehru served as India’s Prime Minister from August 15, 
1947, to May 27, 1964 – the day he died. Nehru loved children; therefore
 his birthday is observed as Children’s Day. For children, he was Chacha
 (uncle) Nehru. In 1946, Nehru had moved into the former residence of 
the British Commander in Chief of the Indian Army on York Road, in 
Delhi. With independence, this became the official residence of the PM, 
and after Nehru’s death in 1964, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. 
Nehru lived alone initially, but was later joined by his daughter Indira
 Gandhi, who despite having a young family of her own felt a need to 
take care of her father’s personal needs. Over the years she became his 
virtual chief of staff – managing his schedule and appointments, 
instructing the staff of the residence and often accompanying him on 
foreign trips and in meetings with world leaders. Prime Minister 
Jawaharlal Nehru’s administration created the policies that formed the 
backbone of India’s social and economic development, national defense 
and position in world affairs for decades, although many times are 
criticized as very much wrong policies. Nehru also sired the most 
powerful political dynasty in India’s modern history. His daughter 
Indira Gandhi would become Prime Minister within two years of his death 
in 1966, and would serve for 15 years and 3 terms.
His grandson Rajiv Gandhi would hold that office from 1984 to 1989. Today, Rajiv’s widow Sonia Gandhi is Congress President.
3. Dr. Rajendra Prasad
 
Dr. Rajendra Prasad
 
Date of Birth : Dec 3, 1884 Date of Death : Feb 28, 1963 Place of 
Birth : Zeradei, Bihar Tenure Order : 1st President Took Office : Jan 
26, 1950 Left Office : May 13, 1962 Successor : Dr.S Radhakrishnan
Dr. Rajendra Prasad was the first President of India. Rajendra Prasad
 was a great freedom-fighter, and the architect of the Indian 
Constitution, having served as President of the Constituent Assembly 
that drafted the Constitution of the Republic from 1948 to 1950. He had 
also served as a Cabinet Minister briefly in the first Government of 
Independent India. He was a crucial leader of the Indian Independence 
Movement. Prasad was born in Jiradei, in the Siwan district of Bihar. 
His father, Mahadev Sahay, was a Persian and Sanskrit language scholar; 
his mother, Kamleshwari Devi, was a devout lady who would tell stories 
from the Ramayana to her son. At the age of 5, the young Rajendra Prasad
 was sent to a Maulavi for learning Persian. After that he was sent to 
Chapra Zilla School for further primary studies.
He was married at the age of 12 to Rajvanshi Devi. He then went on to
 study at R.K. Ghosh’s Academy in Patna to be with his older brother 
Mahendra Prasad. Soon afterward, however, he rejoined the Chapra Zilla 
School, and it was from there that he passed the entrance examination of
 Calcutta University, at the age of 18. He stood first in the first 
division of that examination. He then joined the Presidency College, 
Calcutta. He was initially a student of science and his teachers 
included J.C.Bose and Prafulla Chandra Roy. Later he decided to switch 
his focus to the arts. Acharya Prafulla Chandra Roy, who was impressed 
by his intellect and dedication asked him on the occasion “Why have you 
deserted your class?.” Prasad lived with his brother in the Eden Hindu 
Hostel. A plaque still commemorates his stay in that room. He had been 
initiated into the Swadeshi movement by his brother. He then joined the 
Dawn Society run by Satish Chandra Mukherjee, and Sister Nivedita. In 
1911, he joined the A.I.C.C. However, his family estate was in bad 
condition. He was looked upon as the provider. But he sought permission 
from his brother in a letter to join the Indian freedom movement. He 
wrote, “Ambitions I have none, except to be of some service to the 
Motherland”. The shock of his brother, however, held him to the family. 
In 1916, Rajendra Prasad joined the High Court of Bihar, and Orissa. 
Such was his intellect and his integrity, that often when his adversary 
failed to cite a precedent, the judges asked Rajendra Prasad to cite a 
precedent against himself. After meeting Mahatma Gandhi, he quit as a 
Senator of the University, much to the regret of the British 
Vice-Chancellor.He also responded to the call by the Mahatma to boycott 
Western education by asking his son Mrityunjaya Prasad, a brilliant 
student to drop out of the University and enroll himself in Bihar 
Vidyapeeth, an institution he had along with his colleagues founded on 
the traditional Indian model. He wrote articles for Searchlight and the 
Desh and collected funds for these papers. He toured a lot, explaining, 
lecturing and exhorting. When the earthquake of Bihar occurred on 
January 15, 1934, Rajendra Prasad was in jail. He was released two days 
later. He set himself for the task of raising funds. The Viceroy had 
also raised a fund. However, while Rajendra Prasad’s fund collected over
 38 Lakhs (Rs. 3,800,000), the Viceroy could only manage one-third of 
that amount. The way relief was organized left nothing to be desired. 
Nationalist India expressed its admiration by electing him to the 
President of the Bombay session of the Indian National Congress.
After India became independent he was elected the President of India.
 As President, he used his moderating influence so silently and 
unobtrusively that he neither reigned nor ruled. His sister Bhagwati 
Devi died on the night of 25 January 1960. She doted on her dearly-loved
 younger brother. It must have taken Rajendra Prasad all his will power 
to have taken the Republic Day salute as usual, on the following day. It
 was only on return from the parade that he set about the task of 
cremation. In 1962, after 12 years as President, he announced his 
decision to retire. He was subsequently awarded the Bharat Ratna, the 
nation’s highest civilian award. Within months of his retirement, early 
in September 1962, his wife Rajvanshi Devi passed away. In a letter 
written a month before his death to one devoted to him, he said, “I have
 a feeling that the end is near, end of the energy to do, end of my very
 existence”. He died on 28 February 1963 with ‘Ram Ram Ram’ on his lips.
 Because of the enormous public adulation he enjoyed, he was referred to
 as Desh Ratna or the Jewel of the country. His legacy is being ably 
carried forward by his great grandson Ashoka Jahnavi-Prasad, a 
psychiatrist and a scientist of international repute who introduced 
sodium valproate as a safer alternative to lithium salts in the 
treatment of bipolar disorders.
4.Lal Bahadur Shastri
 
Lal Bahadur Shastri
 
Date of Birth : Oct 2, 1904 Date of Death : Jan 11, 1966 Place of Birth : Uttar Pradesh
Lal Bahadur Shastri was the second Prime Minister of independent 
India and a significant figure in the struggle for independence. 
Shashtriji was born in Mughalsarai, in Uttar Pradesh. To take part in 
the non-cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1921, he began 
studying at the nationalist, Kashi Vidyapeeth in Kashi, and upon 
completion, he was given the title Shastri, or Scholar, Doctor at Kashi 
Vidyapeeth in 1926. He spent almost nine years in jail in total, mostly 
after the start of the Satyagraha movement in 1940, he was imprisoned 
until 1946. Following India’s independence, he was Home Minister under 
Chief Minister Govind Ballabh Pant of Uttar Pradesh. In 1951, he was 
appointed General Secretary of the Lok Sabha before re-gaining a 
ministerial post as Railways Minister. He resigned as Minister following
 a rail disaster near Ariyalur, Tamil Nadu. He returned to the Cabinet 
following the General Elections, first as Minister for Transport, in 
1961, he became Home Minister. After Jawaharlal Nehru’s death in May 27,
 1964, he became the prime minister. Shastri worked by his natural 
characteristics to obtain compromises between opposing viewpoints, but 
in his short tenure was ineffectual in dealing with the economic crisis 
and food shortage in the nation.
However, he commanded a great deal of respect in the Indian populace,
 and he used it to advantage in pushing the Green Revolution in India; 
which directly led to India becoming a food-surplus nation, although he 
did not live to see it. His administration began on a rocky turf. In 
1965 Pakistan attacked India on the Kashmiri front and Lal Bahadur 
Shastri responded in kind by punching toward Lahore. In 1966 a 
cease-fire was issued as a result of international pressure. Lal Bahadur
 Shastri went to Tashkent to hold talks with Ayub Khan and an agreement 
was soon signed. Lal Bahadur passed away in Tashkent before returning 
home. All his lifetime, he was known for his honesty and humility. He 
was the first person to be posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna and a 
memorial “Vijay Ghat” was built for him in Delhi. The slogan ‘Jai Jawan,
 Jai Kisan’ is attributed to Shastri. ‘If one person gives up one meal 
in a day, some other person gets his only meal of the day.’: made during
 the food crisis to encourage people to evenly distribute food.
5. Chandrashekhar Azad
 
Chandrashekhar Azad
 
Date of Birth : Jul 23, 1906 Date of Death : Feb 27, 1931 Place of Birth : India
Chandrasekhar Azad was a great Indian freedom fighter and 
revolutionary thinker. Revered for his audacious deeds and fierce 
patriotism, he was the mentor of Bhagat Singh, the famous Indian martyr.
 Chandrasekhar Azad is considered one of the greatest Indian freedom 
fighter along with Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru, Ram Prasad Bismil, 
and Ashfaqulla Khan. Chandrasekhar Azad’s parents were Pandit Sita Ram 
Tiwari and Jagrani Devi. He received his early schooling in Bhavra 
District Jhabua (Madhya Pradesh). For higher studies he went to the 
Sanskrit Pathashala at Varanasi. Young Azad was one of the young 
generation of Indians when Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation 
Movement. But many were disillusioned with the suspension of the 
struggle in 1922 owing to the Chauri Chaura massacre of 22 policemen. 
Although Gandhi was appalled by the brutal violence, Azad did not feel 
that violence was unacceptable in the struggle, especially in view of 
the Amritsar Massacre of 1919, where Army units killed hundreds of 
unarmed civilians and wounded thousands in Amritsar. Young Azad and 
contemporaries like Bhagat Singh were deeply and emotionally influenced 
by that tragedy. As a revolutionary, he adopted the lastname ‘Azad’, 
which means “Free” in Urdu.There is an interesting story that while he 
adopted the name “Azad” he made a pledge that the Police will never 
capture him alive. Azad and others had committed themselves to absolute 
independence by any means. He was most famous for The Kakori Rail 
Dacoity in 1925 and the assassination of the assistant superintendent of
 Police John Poyantz Saunders in 1928.
Azad and his compatriots would target British officials known for 
their oppressive actions against ordinary people, or for beating and 
torturing arrested freedom fighters. Azad was also a believer in 
socialism as the basis for a future India, free of social and economic 
oppression and adversity. Bhagat Singh joined Azad following the death 
of Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian leader who was beaten to death by police 
officials. Azad trained Singh and others in covert activities, and the 
latter grew close to him after witnessing his resolve, patriotism and 
courage. Along with fellow patriots like Rajguru and Sukhdev, Azad and 
Singh formed the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, committed 
to complete Indian independence and socialist principles of for India’s 
future progress. Betrayed by an informer on 27 February 1931 Azad was 
encircled by British troops in the Alfred park, Allahabad. He kept on 
fighting till the last bullet. Azad is a hero to many Indians today. 
Alfred Park was renamed Chandrasekhar Azad park, as have been scores of 
schools, colleges, roads and other public institutions across India.
6. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
 
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
 
Date of Birth : Oct 31, 1875 Date of Death : Dec 15, 1950 Place of Birth : Gujarat
Vallabhbhai Jhaverbhai Patel was born at his maternal uncle’s house 
in Nadiad, Gujarat. His actual date of birth was never officially 
recorded – Patel entered October 31st as his date of birth on his 
matriculation examination papers. He was the fourth son of Jhaverbhai 
and Ladba Patel, and lived in the village of Karamsad, in the Kheda 
district. Somabhai, Narsibhai and Vithalbhai Patel (also a future 
political leader) were his elder brothers. He had a younger brother, 
Kashibhai, and a sister, Dahiba. Patel helped his father in the fields, 
and bimonthly kept a day-long fast, abstaining from food and water – a 
cultural observance that enabled him to develop physical tougheness. He 
entered school late – parental attention was focused on the eldest 
brothers, thus leading to a degree of neglect of Patel’s education. 
Patel travelled to attend schools in Nadiad, Petlad and Borsad, living 
self-sufficiently with other boys. He took his matriculation at the late
 age of 22; at this point, he was generally regarded by his elder 
relatives as an unambitious man destined for a commonplace job. But 
Patel himself harbored a plan – he would pass the Pleader’s examination 
and become a lawyer. He would then set aside funds, travel to England, 
then train to become a barrister.
During the many years it took him to save money, Vallabhbhai – now a 
pleader – earned a reputation as a fierce and skilled lawyer. He had 
also cultivated a stoic character – he lanced a painful boil without 
hesitation, even as the barber supposed to do it trembled. Patel spent 
years away from his family, pursuing his goals assiduously. Later, Patel
 fetched Jhaverba from her parent’s home – Patel was married to Jhaverba
 at a young age. As per Indian custom at the time, the girl would remain
 at her mother’s house until her husband began earning – and set up his 
household. His wife bore him a daughter, Manibehn, in 1904, and later a 
son, Dahyabhai, in 1906. Patel also cared for a personal friend 
suffering from Bubonic plague when it swept the state. After Patel 
himself came down with the disease, he immediately sent away his family 
to safety, left his home, and moved into an isolated house in Nadiad (by
 other accounts, Patel spent this time in a dilapidated temple); there, 
he recovered slowly. Patel took on the financial burdens of his 
homestead in Karamsad even while saving for England and supporting a 
young family. He made way for his brother Vithalbhai Patel to travel to 
England in place of him, on his own saved money and opportunity. The 
episode occurred as the tickets and pass Patel had applied for arrived 
in the name of “V. J. Patel,” and arrived at Vithalbhai’s home, who bore
 the same initials. Patel did not hesitate to make way for his elder 
brother’s ambition before his own, and funded his trip as well. In 1909,
 Patel’s wife Jhaverba was hospitalized in Bombay to undergo a major 
surgical operation for cancer. Her health suddenly worsened, and despite
 successful emergency surgery, she died. Patel was given a note 
informing him of his wife’s demise as he was cross-examining a witness 
in court. As per others who witnessed, Patel read the note, pocketed it 
and continued to intensely cross-examine the witness, and won the case. 
He broke the news to others only after the proceedings had ended. Patel 
himself decided against marrying again. He raised his children with the 
help of his family, and sent them to English-medium schools in Mumbai 
(then Bombay). At the age of 36, he journeyed to England and enrolled at
 the Middle Temple Inn in London. Finishing a 36-month course in 30 
months, Patel topped his class despite having no previous college 
background. Patel settled in the city of Ahmedabad, and became one of 
the city’s most successful barristers. Wearing European-style clothes 
and urbane mannerisms, he also became a skilled bridge player at the 
Gujarat Club. His close friends would include his neighbours Dr. 
Balwantray and Nandubehn Kanuga, who would remain dear to him, and a 
young lawyer, Ganesh Vasudev Mavlankar. He had also made a pact with his
 brother Vithalbhai to support his entry into politics in Bombay, while 
Patel himself would remain in Ahmedabad and provide for the family. 
According to some of Patel’s friends, he nurtured ambitions to expand 
his practise and accumulate great wealth, and to provide his children 
with modern education.
Vallabhbhai Patel was a major political and social leader of India 
and its struggle for independence, and is credited for achieving the 
political integration of independent India. In India and across the 
world, he is known as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, where Sardar stands for 
Chief in many languages of India. Patel organized the peasants of Kheda,
 Borsad, and Bardoli in Gujarat in non-violent civil disobedience 
against the oppressive policies imposed by the British Raj – becoming 
one of the most influential leaders in Gujarat. He rose to the 
leadership of the Indian National Congress and at the forefront of 
rebellions and political events – organizing the party for elections in 
1934 and 1937, and leading Indians into the Quit India movement. He was 
imprisoned by the British government on numerous occasions, especially 
from 1931 to 1934, and from 1942 to 1945. Becoming the first Home 
Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of India, Patel organized relief and 
rehabilitation efforts in the riot-struck Punjab and Delhi, and led 
efforts to restore security. Patel took charge of the task to forge a 
united India from a plethora of semi-independent princely states, 
colonial provinces and possessions. Patel employed an iron fist in a 
velvet glove diplomacy – frank political negotiations backed with the 
option (and the use) of military action to weld a nation that could 
emancipate its people without the prospect of divisions or civil 
conflict. His leadership obtained the peaceful and swift integration of 
all 565 princely states into the Republic of India. Patel’s initiatives 
spread democracy extensively across India, and re-organized the states 
to help transform India into a modern federal republic. His admirers 
call him the Iron Man of India. He is also remembered as the “patron 
saint” of India’s civil servants for his defence of them against 
political attack, and for being one of the earliest and key defenders of
 property rights and free enterprise in independent India.
On 29 March 1949, a plane carrying Patel and the Maharaja of Patiala 
lost radio contact, and Patel’s life was feared for all over the nation.
 The plane had made an emergency landing in the desert of Rajasthan upon
 an engine failure, and Patel and all passengers were safe, and traced 
by nearby villagers. When Patel returned to Delhi, members of Parliament
 and thousands of Congressmen gave him a raucous welcome. In Parliament,
 MPs gave a thunderous ovation to Patel – stopping proceedings for half 
an hour. Till his last few days, he was constantly at work in Delhi. 
Patel’s health worsened after 2 November 1950, and he was flown to 
Bombay to recuperate. After suffering a massive heart attack – his 
second – he died in Bombay on December 15th, 1950. In an unprecedented 
gesture, more than 1,500 officers of India’s civil and police services 
congregated at Patel’s residence in Delhi on the day after his death to 
mourn him – they pledged “complete loyalty and unremmitting zeal” in 
India’s service. His cremation in Sonapur, Bombay, was attended by large
 crowds, Nehru, Rajagopalachari, President Prasad and many Congressmen 
and freedom fighters.
7. Bal Gangadhar Tilak
 
Bal Gangadhar Tilak
 
Date of Birth : Jul 23, 1856 Date of Death : 1920 Place of Birth : Maharashtra
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, was an Indian nationalist, social reformer and 
freedom fighter who was the first popular leader of the Indian 
Independence Movement. Tilak sparked the fire for complete independence 
in Indian consciousness, and is considered the father of Hindu 
nationalism as well. Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it! This 
famous quote of his is very popular and well-remembered in India even 
today.
Reverently addressed as Lokmanya (meaning “Beloved of the people” or 
“Revered by the world”), Tilak was a scholar of Indian history, 
Sanskrit, Hinduism, mathematics and astronomy. He was born on July 23, 
1856, in a village near Ratnagiri, Maharashtra, into a middle class 
Chitpavan Brahmin family. Tilak was an avid student with a special 
aptitude for mathematics. He was among India’s first generation of youth
 to receive a modern, college education. After graduation, Tilak began 
teaching mathematics in a private school in Pune and later became a 
journalist. He became a strong critic of the Western education system, 
feeling it demeaning to Indian students and disrespectful to India’s 
heritage. He organized the Deccan Education Society to improve the 
quality of education for India’s youth. Tilak founded the Marathi daily 
Kesari (The Lion) which fast became a popular reading for the common 
people of India. Tilak strongly criticized the government for its 
brutalism in suppression of free expression, especially in face of 
protests against the division of Bengal in 1905, and for denigrating 
India’s culture, its people and heritage. He demanded the British 
immediately give the right to self-government to India’s people. Tilak 
joined the Indian National Congress in the 1890s, but soon fell into 
opposition of its liberal-moderate attitude towards the fight for 
self-government. Tilak opposed the moderate views of Gopal Krishna 
Gokhale, and was supported by fellow Indian nationalists Bipin Chandra 
Pal in Bengal and Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab. In 1907, the Congress Party
 split into the Garam Dal (literally, “Hot Faction”), led by Tilak, Pal 
and Lajpat Rai, and the Naram Dal (literally, “Soft Faction”) led by 
Gokhale during its convention at Surat in Gujarat. When arrested on 
charges of sedition in 1906, Tilak asked a young Mohammad Ali Jinnah to 
represent him. But the British judge convicted him and he was imprisoned
 from 1908 to 1914 in Mandalay, Burma. Upon his release, Tilak re-united
 with his fellow nationalists and re-united the Indian National Congress
 in 1916. He also helped found the All India Home Rule League in 1916-18
 with Annie Besant and Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Tilak proposed various 
social reforms, such as a minimum age for marriage, and was especially 
keen to see a prohibition placed on the sale of alcohol. His thoughts on
 education and Indian political life have remained highly influential – 
he was the first Congress leader to suggest that Hindi, written in the 
devanagari script, should be accepted as the sole national language of 
India, a policy that was later strongly endorsed by Mahatma Gandhi. 
However, English, which Tilak wished to remove completely from the 
Indian mind, remains an important means of communication in India. But 
the usage of Hindi (and other Indian languages) has been reinforced and 
widely encouraged since the days of the British Raj, and Tilak’s legacy 
is often credited with this resurgence. Another of the major 
contributions relates to the propagation of Sarvajanik (public) Ganesh 
festival, over 10-11 days from Bhadrapada Shukla (Ganesh) Chaturthi to 
(Anant) Chaturdashi (in Aug/Sept span), which contributed for people to 
get together and celebrate the festival and provided a good platform for
 leaders to inspire masses. His call for boycott of foreign goods also 
served to inspire patriotism among Indian masses. Tilak was a critic of 
Mahatma Gandhi’s strategy of non-violent, civil disobedience. Although 
once considered an extremist revolutionary, in his later years Tilak had
 considerably mellowed. He favored political dialogue and discussions as
 a more effective way to obtain political freedom for India, and did not
 support leaving the British Empire. However, Tilak is considered in 
many ways to have created the nationalist movement in India, by 
expanding the struggle for political freedoms and self-government to the
 common people of India. His writings on Indian culture, history and 
Hinduism spread a sense of heritage and pride amongst millions of 
Indians for India’s ancient civilization and glory as a nation.
Tilak was considered the political and spiritual leader of India by 
many, and Gandhi is considered his successor. When Tilak died in 1920, 
Gandhi paid his respects at his cremation in Bombay, along with 200,000 
people. Gandhi called Tilak “The Maker of Modern India”.
Tilak is also today considered the father of Hindu Nationalism. He 
was the idol of Indian revolutionary Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who 
penned the political doctrine of Hindutva.
8. Gopal Krishna Gokhale
 
Gopal Krishna Gokhale
 
Date of Birth : May 9, 1866 Date of Death : 1915 Place of Birth : Maharashtra
Gopal Krishna Gokhale was born on May 9, 1866, in Ratnagiri, 
Maharashtra, and he became one of the most learned men in India, a 
leader of social and political reformists and one of the earliest, 
founding leaders of the Indian Independence Movement. Gokhale was a 
senior leader of the Indian National Congress and the Servants of India 
Society. The latter was committed to only social reform, but the 
Congress Party in Gokhale’s time was the main vehicle for Indian 
political representation. Gokhale was a great, early Indian champion for
 public education. Being one of the first generations of Indians to 
receive college education, Gokhale was respected widely in the nascent 
Indian intellecutal community and acoss India, whose people looked up to
 him as the least elitist of educated Indians. Coming from a background 
of poverty, Gokhale was a real man of the people, a hero to young 
Indians discovering the new age and the prospects of the coming 20th 
century; he worked amongst common Indians to encourage education, 
sanitation and public development. He actively spoke against ignorance, 
casteism and untouchability in Indian society. Gokhale was also reputed 
for working for trust and friendship between Hindu and Muslim 
communities. It should be remembered that Gokhale was a pioneer in this 
work, never done before in Indian history by Indians. Along with 
distinguished colleagues like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Dadabhai Naoroji, 
Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai and Annie Besant, Gokhale fought for 
decades to obtain greater political representation and power over public
 affairs for common Indians. He was moderate in his views and attitudes,
 and sought to petition the British authorities, cultivate a process of 
dialogue and discussion which would yield greater British respect for 
Indian rights. In 1906, he and Tilak were the respective leaders of the 
moderates and extremists (now known by the more politically correct 
term,’aggressive nationalists’) in the Congress. Tilak advocated civil 
agitation and direct revolution to overthrow the British Empire, and the
 Congress Party split into two wings. The two sides would patch up in 
1916. Gokhale did not support explicit Indian independence, for such an 
idea was not even understood or expressed until after the World War I.
Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s biggest contribution to India was as a 
teacher, nurturer of a whole new generation of leaders conscious to 
their responsibilities to a wider nation. Gokhale was famously a mentor 
to a young barrister who had been blooded in the work of revolution in 
South Africa a few years earlier. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi received 
great warmth and hospitality from Gokhale, including personal guidance, 
knowledge and understanding of India, the issues of common Indians and 
Indian politics. By 1920, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi would become known 
as Mahatma Gandhi, and ad the leader of nationalist Indians and the 
largest non-violent revolution in the history of the world. However, 
Gokhale himself died in 1915. In his autobiography, Gandhi calls Gokhale
 his mentor and guide, while Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the future founder of 
Pakistan, in 1912 wanted to become the “Muslim Gokhale,” “Ambassador of 
Hindu-Muslim Unity.”
9. Bhagat Singh
 
Bhagat Singh
 
Date of Birth : Sep 27, 1907 Date of Death : Mar 23, 1931 Place of Birth : Jalandhar
Bhagat Singh (September 27, 1907 – March 23, 1931) was an Indian 
revolutionary, considered to be one of the most famous martyrs of the 
Indian freedom struggle. For this reason, he is often referred to as 
Shaheed Bhagat Singh (the word shaheed means “martyr”). Bhagat Singh was
 born into a Sikh family to Sardar Kishan Singh and Vidyavati in the 
Khatkar Kalan village near Banga in the Jalandhar district of Punjab. 
His uncle, Sardar Ajit Singh, as well as his father, were great freedom 
fighters, so Bhagat Singh grew up in a patriotic atmosphere. Ajit Singh 
established the Indian Patriots’ Association, along with Syed Haidar 
Raza, to organize the peasants against the Chenab Canal Colony Bill. He 
also established the secret organization, the Bharat Mata Society. At an
 early age, Bhagat Singh started dreaming of uprooting the British 
empire. Never afraid of fighting during his childhood, he thought of 
“growing guns in the fields,” so that he could fight against the 
British. The Ghadar Movement left a deep imprint on his mind. Kartar 
Sing Sarabha, hanged at the age of 19, became his hero. The massacre at 
Jallianwala Bagh on April 13, 1919 drove him to go to Amritsar, where he
 kissed the earth sanctified by the martyrs’ blood and brought back home
 a little of the soaked soil. He studied in the D.A.V. School in Lahore.
 At the age of 16, he used to wonder why so many Indians could not drive
 away these fistful of invaders. In search of revolutionary groups and 
ideas, he met Sukhdev and Rajguru. Bhagat Singh, along with the help of 
Chandrashekhar Azad, formed the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army 
(HSRA). The aim of this Indian revolutionary movement was now defined as
 not only to make India independent, but also to create “a socialist 
India.” During the Simon Commission, Sher-e-Punjab Lala Lajpat Rai was 
wounded and died later. To avenge his death, Bhagat Singh and Rajguru 
killed Mr. Saunders (one of the deputy officers in connection with the 
Simon Commission).
When the British government promulgated the two bills “Trade Union 
Dispute Bill” and “Public Safety Bill” which Bhagat Singh and his party 
thought were Black Laws aimed at curbing citizens’ freedom and civil 
liberties, they decided to oppose these bills by throwing a bomb in the 
Central Assembly Hall (which is now Lok Sabha). However, things changed,
 and the Britishers arrested Bhagat Singh and his friends on April 8, 
1929. He and his friends wanted to be shot dead, since they were termed 
as prisoners of war. Their request was not fulfilled, and on March 23, 
1931, Bhagat Singh, Shivram Rajguru, and Sukhdev were hanged to death. 
This man’s only mission in life was to see his country free from British
 rule. He did his best and when he was being led to the gallows, he was 
satisfied that he had lived up to his principles, irrespective of the 
consequences. The only thing that made him sad was that he couldn’t do 
more for his country.
10. Subhash Chandra Bose
 
Subhash Chandra Bose
 
Date of Birth : Jan 23, 1897 Date of Death : Aug 18, 1945 Place of Birth : Orissa
Subhash Chandra Bose (January 23, 1897 – August 18, 1945?), also 
known as Netaji, was one of the most prominent leaders of the Indian 
Independence Movement against the British Raj. Subhas Chandra Bose was 
born to an affluent family in Cuttack, Orissa. His father, Janakinath 
Bose, was a public prosecutor who believed in orthodox nationalism, and 
later became a member of the Bengal Legislative Council. His mother was 
Prabhavati Bose, a remarkable example of Indian womanhood. Bose was 
educated at Cambridge University. In 1920, Bose took the Indian Civil 
Service entrance examination and was placed second. However, he resigned
 from the prestigious Indian Civil Service in April 1921 despite his 
high ranking in the merit list, and went on to become an active member 
of India’s independence movement. He joined the Indian National 
Congress, and was particularly active in its youth wing. Subhas Chandra 
Bose felt that young militant groups could be molded into a military arm
 of the freedom movement and used to further the cause. Gandhiji opposed
 this ideology because it directly conflicted with his policy of ahimsa 
(non-violence). The British Government in India perceived Subhas as a 
potential source of danger and had him arrested without any charge on 
October 25, 1924. He was sent to Alipore Jail, Calcutta and in January 
25, 1925 transferred to Mandalay, Burma. He was released from Mandalay 
in May, 1927 due to his ill health. Upon return to Calcutta, Subhas was 
elected President of the Bengal Congress Committee on October 27, 1927.
Subhas was one of the few politicians who sought and worked towards 
Hindu-Muslim unity on the basis of respect of each community’s rights. 
Subhas, being a man of ideals, believed in independence from the social 
evil of religious discord. In January 1930 Subhas was arrested while 
leading a procession condemning imprisonment of revolutionaries. He was 
offered bail on condition that he signs a bond to refrain from all 
political activities, which he refused. As a result he was sentenced to a
 year’s imprisonment. On his release from jail, Subhas was sworn in as 
Mayor of the Calcutta Corporation. In 1931 the split between Gandhiji 
and Subhas crystallized. Although the two never saw eye to eye on their 
view of freedom and the movement itself, Subhas felt that Gandhiji had 
done a great disservice to the movement by agreeing to take part in the 
Second Round Table Conference. Subhas viewed freedom as an absolute 
necessity, unlike the freedom which Gandhiji was “negotiating” with the 
British. Subhas was arrested again while returning from Bombay to 
Calcutta, and imprisoned in several jails outside West Bengal in fear of
 an uprising. His health once again deteriorated and the medical 
facilities diagnosed him with tuberculosis. It was recommended that he 
be sent to Switzerland for treatment. Realizing that his avenues abroad 
were greater with the restrictions of the British, Subhas set sail for 
Europe on February 23, 1933. Subhas stayed in various parts of Europe 
from March 1993 to March 1936 making contacts with Indian 
revolutionaries and European socialists supporting India’s Struggle for 
Independence. Subhas met Mussolini in Italy and made Vienna his 
headquarters. Subhas was opposed to the racial theory of Nazism but 
appreciated its organizational strength and discipline. On March 27, 
1936 he sailed for Bombay and but was escorted to jail immediately after
 disembarking. After lying low for a year, he was able to work actively.
 He attended the All India Congress Committee Session in Calcutta, the 
first one he attended after a lapse of nearly six years. Time had healed
 the tensions between Subhas and Gandhiji, and Gandhiji supported Subhas
 in his efforts to become the President of the next Congress session, 
1938. He went to England for a month in 1938 and rallied for the Indian 
freedom cause amongst Indian students and British labor leaders 
sympathetic toward India’s cause. It was a bold move since he was 
constantly under British surveillance. Upon his return to India in 
February 1938, Subhas was elected President of the Indian National 
Congress. An excerpt from his Presidential address read, “I have no 
doubt in my mind that our chief national problems relating to the 
eradication of poverty, illiteracy and disease and the scientific 
production and distribution can be tackled only along socialistic lines…
 .” Subhas emphasized that political freedom alone would not be 
sufficient, as the ills of the British reign would continue to haunt 
post-Independent India. He stressed the need to solve linguistic and 
religious prejudices and to achieve a high literacy rate amongst 
Indians. Gandhiji found Subhas’s ideologies far too leftist and strongly
 disagreed with Subhas’s criticism of village industries and stress on 
competing with the rest of the world in the Industrial age. Opposition 
from Sardar Vallabhai Patel, lack of support from Gandhiji and Nehru’s 
indecision marked Subhas’s year as the President of the Congress. One of
 Subhas’ major contributions was setting up of a National Planning 
Committee, for the development of an economic program running parallel 
to the national movement. Differences between Gandhiji and Subhas led to
 a crisis when Gandhiji opposed Subhas’ idea that the Bengal Government 
(a coalition between the Krishak Praja Party & Muslim League) be 
ousted and the Congress take charge in coalition with the Krishak party.
 The idea was criticized by Gandhiji and Nehru, which resulted in the 
strengthening of the Muslim League in Bengal and ultimately partition of
 India. It is obvious today that had Subhas been able to carry out his 
plans, Bengal would be a different entity on the atlas. Despite 
opposition from the Congress brass, Subhas was a favorite amongst the 
majority as he was re-elected for a second term in March 1939. Gandhiji 
considered Subhas’s victory as his personal defeat and went on a fast to
 rally the members of the Working Committee to resign. Subhas resigned 
and Dr. Rajendra Prasad assumed the Presidency of the Congress. In May 
1939, Subhas formed the Forward Bloc within the Congress as an umbrella 
organization of the left forces within the Congress. Gandhiji and his 
supporters accused Subhas of breach of Congress party discipline and 
drafted a resolution removing Subhas from the Congress Working Committee
 and restrained him from holding any office for three years. On 
September 3, 1939 Subhas was informed that war had broken out between 
Britain and Germany. Subhas discussed the idea of an underground 
struggle against the British with members of the Forward Bloc. Subhas 
pressurized the Congress leaders to get a Declaration of War Aims from 
the Viceroy; he declined. Subhas was elected President of the West 
Bengal Provincial Congress. In December the Congress Working Committee 
subverted the Provincial Committee’s authority and appointed its own ad 
hoc committee. The Forward Bloc progressively became militant and by 
April 1940 most of its senior members were arrested. Subhas was 
convinced that the only way he could bring about India’s Independence 
was by leaving the country and fighting from foreign territories. He had
 made contact with radical Punjab and Pathan activists who had contacts 
in Afghanistan and Russia to organize a militia. Subhas knew that 
Britain was in a vulnerable position following the surrender of France 
in June 1940. He announced the launch of Siraj-ud-daula Day on July 3, 
in memory of the last king of Bengal who was defeated by Clive. His plan
 was to hold a procession and to unify Hindu and Muslim nationalists. 
The Government interceded and imprisoned Subhas on July 2, 1940 in 
Presidency Jail, Calcutta. Netaji believed that foreign assistance was a
 must to free India from British rule. In 1939, when the Second World 
War broke out, Subhas sought assistance from Germany, Italy, and Japan 
as they were enemies of Britain and thus would be natural allies. In 
1941, he evaded a house-arrest in Calcutta by disguising himself as a 
Maulavi and going to Kabul, Afghanistan. Later, he procured an Italian 
passport and fled to Berlin, Germany. There he met Hitler and discussed 
his plans and sought his assistance to free India. He also sought 
assistance from Mussolini. From time to time, he aired his speeches on 
the Azad Hind Radio from Berlin to communicate his intentions to fellow 
Indians and to prove that he was still alive. After the defeat of 
Germany, Netaji realized that he could not continue his struggle from 
Germany anymore. Ultimately, Netaji reached Japan in June, 1943. He 
established the Indian National Army (INA) with some 30,000 Indian 
soldiers. He also set up a radio network in South East Asia in order to 
appeal to the people, both in India and outside, for support. The INA 
declared war against Britain and America. However, the INA had to 
retreat from the Indo-Burmese border after a heavy defeat of the 
Japanese troops there. The British defense was impenetrable. Though the 
“Delhi Chalo” mission failed, Netaji proved to the world that his 
determination was strong and his attitude was positive in his dream to 
free India from the clutches of the British.
On August 16, 1945 Netaji boarded a plane from Singapore to Bangkok. 
Netaji was scheduled to fly in a Type 97-2 bomber ‘Sally’ from Bangkok 
to Saigon. The plane made a stopover in Taipei and crashed within 
minutes of take-off from Taipei. Netaji’s body was cremated in Taipei on
 August 20, 1945 and his ashes were flown to Tokyo on September 5, 1945 
where they rest in the Renkoji Temple. To this day, many believe that 
Netaji escaped from the air crash and went into hiding.
Netaji wanted unconditional and complete freedom. He dreamed of a 
classless society with no caste barriers, social inequalities or 
religious intolerance. He believed in equal distribution of wealth and 
destruction of communalism. His slogan “Jai Hind” still acts as a great 
binding force today